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4 (1975), pp. 441–50. See also Simon Schaffer, ‘Glass Works: Newton’s Prisms and the Uses of Experiment’, in David Gooding, Trevor J. Pinch and Simon Schaffer, eds, The Uses of Experiment: Studies in the Natural Sciences (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989), pp. 67–104; idem, ‘Self Evidence’, Critical Inquiry, vol. 18, no. 2 (1992), pp. 327–62; and idem, ‘Late Victorian Metrology and Its Instrumentation: A Manufactory of Ohms’, in Robert Bud and Susan E. Cozzens, eds, Invisible Connections: Instruments, Institutions, and Science (Bellingham, WA: SPIE, Optical Engineering Press, 1992), pp.

London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1986), pp. 234–63. 28 Relocating Modern Science Although both approaches have opened a number of new and important questions for the history of science, each is riddled with serious difficulties. Thus, by opposing the heterogeneous space of the field sciences with the more uniform civilities of the laboratory sciences, the former approach fails to examine the relationship between the two spaces of knowledge making, between those ‘out there’ and their sedentary colleagues who often played a crucial role in validating knowledge claims made in the field.

By his own admission, L’Empereur did not know Oriya: he got everything translated into Hindustani, the main language of intercourse between Europeans and South Asians in the region. It was this that he himself d’Orta and Nicolás Monardes (London: The Hispanic & Luso-Brazilian Councils, 1963). 33 MNHN, Ms. 1915: ‘Avis au lecteur’, ff. IVv–Vr. 34 CAOM, F5 19: L’Empereur to the Abbé Raguet, 20 January 1727. 35 MEP, V 990, ff. 533, 539: L’Empereur to Delavigne, 6 January and 29 January 1701, respectively; and CAOM, Inde, Notariat de Chandernagor, O 2: Power of Attorney, dated 7 September 1712.

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Moths of India - an Introduction by Isaac Kehimkar


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