By Mark B. Salter
This publication examines how criminal, political, and rights discourses, protection regulations and practices migrate and translate around the North Atlantic. The advanced courting among liberty and safety has been essentially recast and contested in liberal democracies because the begin of the 'global struggle on terror'. as well as spotting new companies, political pressures, and new sensitivities to distinction, it will be important that to not over-state the newness of the post-9/11 period: the warfare on terror easily made attainable the intensification, enlargement, or strengthening of rules already in lifestyles, or just enabled the shutting down of discussion. operating from a typical theoretical body, if diverse disciplines, those chapters current policy-oriented analyses of the particular practices of safety, policing, and legislations within the eu Union and Canada. They concentrate on questions of hazard and exception, nation sovereignty and governance, liberty and rights, legislation and transparency, policing and protection. specifically, the essays are concerned about charting how rules, practices, and concepts migrate among Canada, the ecu and its member states. by way of taking ‘field’ method of the examine of defense practices, the quantity isn't really restricted by means of nationwide case research or the solipsistic debates inside of subfields and bridges criminal, political, and sociological research. it will likely be of a lot curiosity to scholars of serious safety stories, sociology, legislations, international governance and IR in most cases. Mark B. Salter is affiliate Professor on the tuition of Political stories, college of Ottawa.
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Additional resources for Mapping Transatlantic Security Relations: The EU, Canada and the War on Terror (Routledge Studies in Liberty and Security)
From the moment he returned, he has been pressing for some kind of answer to the question why this happened to him. The Canadian response After Mr. Arar’s return to Canada, calls were made to set up a public inquiry into the circumstances of his detention and rendition. The prime minister, Jean Chrétien, rejected the request, citing as primary reasons for doing so both the fact that an internal inquiry was already under way, and that any wrongdoing in the case was the Americans’ fault. However, on 29 January 2004, after elections and the coming to power of Stephen Harper’s Conservative government, the Canadian government agreed to a public inquiry in the form of a commission of inquiry.
The same logic applies to the other cases, which gesture toward the point that legality in combination with a notion of national interest (or common good) is a very fragile foundation for what we claim to be legitimate authority. Multilateralism In relation to the Arar case we are given numerous examples of transnational cooperation between low-level representatives (for example the flagging of Mr. Arar as suspicious by the RCMP) that seem to be part of a political structure quite detached from what we otherwise would view as the political and legal structures that constitute the foundation for exercise of legitimate authority on behalf of a state.
In many respects the report is a slap on the wrist for the member states by the European Parliament for acting independently of and contrary to the European Union: “[T]he Member states cannot circumvent the requirements imposed on them by Community and international law” by making use of third parties “like other countries’ intelligence services” to operate either on their territory or in a third country in a way that violates human rights (European Parliament 2006: C). The image of the member states that emerges from the European Parliament-endorsed document is that they are driven by their own national interest.
Mapping Transatlantic Security Relations: The EU, Canada and the War on Terror (Routledge Studies in Liberty and Security) by Mark B. Salter