By Richard M. Smith
Those essays in Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle current distinctive case reviews from English rural groups over the interval 1250-1850, those essays show that a lot land was once transferred among dwelling people who have been similar neither via blood nor by way of marriage and that family have been usually no longer the single contributors of labor teams or assistance networks within the nation-state. even if the point of interest is at the strata of English society lower than the landed aristocracy and the city service provider elites, the preoccupation with these keeping land even if less than freehold or widely used or copyhold tenure is tempered by way of essays that examine the commercial difficulties within the lifecycles of the valuables much less or these not able via, for instance, disease or age to paintings and deal with their estate.
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18 RICHARD M. SMITH additional land for his non-inheriting offspring. This behaviour might still, it seems, be interpretable within a Chayanovian framework; the larger the family the larger the marginal product of any additional land and hence the larger the maximum rent or price the family is willing to pay for it - a perverse process that might be seen to drive out capitalist agriculture and, indeed, prevent accumulation of any consequence. But, as Williamson notes, 'it cannot be denied that there were many with the means to acquire land simply to expand their own holdings'; she cites a number of individuals who accumulated large holdings in addition to providing for non-inheriting sons and daughters.
Each family member receives an individual income equivalent to the value of his or her average product (APL3), which is a function both of holding size and of the size of the family labour group. For instance, at family work group size XK2 each family worker receives an income XC which is considerably higher than that paid to a wage labourer (XW). At holding size K the family can augment its income by appropriating a surplus which it can obtain by employing wage-paid labourers. In fact, employing non-family labour of the quantity XKf-XK^ in addition to family labour XKf or as a substitute for family labour XKf-XK: will produce for the family an income equivalent to RST.
SMITH ii. Non-family labour and the social distribution of land The main problem with the application of Chayanov's model to late thirteenth- and early fourteenth-century England remains not what is in the model itself but what has been excluded from it. Even allowing for the absence in England of the repartitional commune which provided in Russia a means for the re-allocation of land in line with the demands of the families' biological cycle, we still have to ask how the expansionary phase of the family labour farm in land acquisition was financed.
Land, Kinship and Life-Cycle by Richard M. Smith