By Susan J. Terrio
In October 2005, 3 weeks of rioting erupted in France following the unintended deaths of 2 French boys of North African ancestry. Killed whereas fleeing the police, those boys have been deemed risky established mostly on their immigrant origins. In France, deprived young children of immigrant and international ancestry signify nearly all of formal suspects and feature more and more been portrayed as a possibility to public security and because the embodiment of the attack on French values.Despite respectable rhetoric of safeguard, Judging Mohammed unearths how the remedy of those kids within the juvenile courts approach undermines felony promises of equality and due approach and reinforces present hierarchies. in keeping with 5 years of intensive study within the biggest and so much influential juvenile courtroom in France, this paintings follows kids contained in the process, from arrest to court docket trials. Revealing an alarming flip towards responsibility, restitution, and retribution, this groundbreaking learn uncovers the disquieting purposes at the back of France's moving ways to the identity, remedy, and illustration of its antisocial early life.
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Additional resources for Judging Mohammed: Juvenile Delinquency, Immigration, and Exclusion at the Paris Palace of Justice
First, the focus on present wrongdoing ignores past injustices as well as the racist stereotypes, “Othering” devices, and unequal conditions that created and continue to sustain them. Second, under race-neutral laws, discrimination is seen as isolated actions against individuals rather than social policies aimed at entire groups. 48 Crenshaw warns that the adoption of race-neutral law and the embrace of color-blindness entails neither a commitment nor an ability to end racial inequality. In fact, race-neutral law may constitute a formidable obstacle to the alleviation of inequality based on white dominance and, in the case of France, on unacknowledged ethnoracial hierarchies.
The juvenile justice system has displayed both continuity and change since the legislation of an embryonic juvenile court system in 1912. Despite the 1945 reformist attempts to reduce the punitive aspects of the law and recent reforms to enhance due process protections, French penal codes still privilege the protection of the social order over individual rights and parental authority over children’s rights and give enormous power to judicial police, procureurs (prosecutors), juges d’instruction (JIs, or investigating magistrates), and trial judges versus lawyers.
57 The French social scientists who support this explanation borrowed liberally from a cultural ecology model originating with the Chicago School of Sociology. French analysts appropriated the concept of a culture of poverty to link the “new” delinquency to negative environmental inﬂuences in closed, ethnic neighborhoods. Some delinquency studies were commissioned by governments on the left and the right seeking to document the rise of youth crime, others were written by academics anxious to provide the insider ethnographic view of street culture in an effort to counter media stereotypes, and still others were produced by a pro-penal group of security experts and police motivated to inﬂuence public policy.
Judging Mohammed: Juvenile Delinquency, Immigration, and Exclusion at the Paris Palace of Justice by Susan J. Terrio