By Jon Silverman
Media clamour on concerns in relation to crime, justice and civil liberties hasn't ever been extra insistent. if it is the homicide of James Bulger or detaining terrorist suspects for lengthy classes with no trial, mediated remark has grown immeasurably over the last twenty years. So, how does it engage with and form coverage in those fields? How do the politicians either reply to and check out to govern the media which permeates our society and culture?
Crime, coverage and the Media is the 1st educational textual content to map the connection among a quickly altering media and policymaking in felony justice. Spanning the interval, 1989-2010, it examines a couple of case experiences – terrorism, medicinal drugs, sentencing, policing and public safeguard, among others – and interrogates key policy-makers (including six former domestic Secretaries, a former Lord leader Justice, Attorney-General, senior cops, executive advisers and major commentators) in regards to the influence of the media on their considering and perform.
Bolstered by way of content material and framing research, it argues that, particularly, within the final decade, worry of media feedback and the day-by-day Mail impact has constrained the policymaking time table in crime and justice, concluding that the increasing effect of the net and internet 2.0 has all started to undermine a few of the ways that corporations equivalent to the police have won and held a presentational virtue.
Written by way of a former BBC domestic Affairs Correspondent, with unrivalled entry to the top reaches of policy-making, it truly is either academically rigorous and obtainable and should be of curiosity to either students and practitioners in media and felony justice.
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Additional resources for Crime, Policy and the Media: The Shaping of Criminal Justice, 1989-2010
But we know that the research demonstrates two things. First, that judges actually sentence more severely than the public thinks; and second, that Home Office, and other, research shows that sentences have risen over these years and this is a direct response to the ‘get tough’ messages coming from various quarters. It is true that sentencing does lag a little behind [the rhetoric] but it does reflect it. This is probably one reason why our sentences are higher than those in other [European] countries.
David Blunkett calls it a ‘continuing theme’ of his time as Home Secretary and finds it incomprehensible that senior judges refused to engage in discussions about finding the correct balance between the nation’s security and the provisions of the European Convention on Human Rights (Blunkett 2006: 323). Charles Clarke regarded it ‘as disgraceful that no Law Lord is prepared to discuss in any forum with the Home Secretary of the day the issues of principle involved in these matters. The idea that their independence would be corrupted by such discussions is risible’ (House of Lords Select Committee on the Constitution 2007: 26).
It might result in a few bricks through windows but that happens anyway in the normal course of events. We were sure we could handle the fallout. But there was no appetite on the political side to stand up to the paper. 36â•… Crime, Policy and the Media Of course, John Reid dressed this up by saying ‘we’ve taken a principled stand on this’ – but you can draw your own conclusions. Interview with author, 4 September 2008 Terry Grange’s conclusion was stark: that Home Office collusion had been obtained by tabloid bullying: ‘The reality, as I perceive it, is that the only people with any real strategic intent and understanding on where they want to go, and the will to be ruthless in getting there, is the News of the World’ (Guardian, 21 June 2006).
Crime, Policy and the Media: The Shaping of Criminal Justice, 1989-2010 by Jon Silverman